Why my book chapter is problematic
I have a confession to make.
But first, the context.
In 2022, much to the delight of my mum, I became a published author for the first time. I like to think my chapter in ‘A European Just Transition For A Better World’ offers a pretty good analysis of the youth climate movement since 2018, and the meaning of climate justice. At the same time, the chapter contains a glaring error.
What does the ‘just transition’ really mean?
So here it is. My text follows the exceptionally broad definition of ‘just transition' used by the Climate Justice Alliance. The problem is the definition is indistinguishable from that of ‘climate justice’. Instead of making the ‘just transition’ about workers, for whom it was originally conceptualised, this definition makes it about everyone.
While motivated by good intentions, this is a common, fatal mistake in modern social movements. As we seek to make our causes intersectional, we can easily be drawn into the temptation to shape every cause to implicate all marginalised people, which is a mistake. To be clear, our movements absolutely should implicate all marginalised people, but the naming of a particular cause, such as workers’ rights, should be used exclusively for that group. The more we make the workers’ cause of a just transition synonymous with the creation of a better society for all marginalised people, the less we will be able to progress the cause of workers’ rights as it's power becomes diluted.
Now, this doesn’t mean the chapter is entirely bad. By reviewing social scientific literature, interviewing activists, and relying on my own experience, I offer an analysis of where the power of the youth climate justice movement rests.
Youth authenticity
The most novel contribution that my chapter makes is by proposing the concept of ‘youth authenticity’, arguing that since the rise of Fridays for Future, politicians have come to view young people as authentic voices in the fight against climate change.
“While young people have always been present in the story of environmentalism in Europe, prior to 2018 this was generally as passive victims who needed protection from the future consequences of adults’ actions. Instead of being merely victims of climate change, young people are now the leaders of the climate movement.”
As well as arguing for the power of youth authenticity, the chapter draws from research and various case studies to argue that the climate movement’s power is enhanced by the use of different strategies by different groups.
Strategic diversity
Climate activists are asked incessantly what they think of a particular group’s tactical choices - be that Just Stop Oil throwing a can of tomato soup over a painting in England, Letzte Generation blocking roads in Germany, or Ultima Generazione spray-painting buildings in Italy.
My argument? The strength of our movements relies on a strategy of diverse tactics. This sounds obvious, but the implication is that the more we focus on discrediting each other’s tactics, the more we weaken the movement as a whole.
“Like Ende Gelände’s ‘fingers’ invading a coal mine from all angles, the climate justice movement needs to embrace strategic diversity. If we only did corporate lobbying, then we would never disrupt the existing economic order. But if we only take non-violent direct action, then we will let fossil fuel lobbyists control the rules of the game.”
Should you buy a copy?
If you’re looking for an analysis of workers’ rights in the youth climate movement, my chapter is not it.
If you’re interested in an evidence-based argument that the modern climate movement’s power rests partially on (1) young people and (2) strategic diversity, it’s well worth buying a copy.
My chapter is one of many in the book, which is edited by the ever-analytical Dirk Holemans and published by the Green European Foundation. Particularly illuminating is Robert Magowan’s chapter on a just transition in the aviation sector.